Three Speeds In Europe, All Slower

By Michael Burke

The latest publication of the GDP data for the EU shows three distinct trends but one unifying theme – slower growth.

In an important but dwindling group are those economies which are still expanding, led by Germany where GDP grew by 0.5% in the first quarter of 2012. In a larger group are those countries where the economy is stagnant. This now includes France which recorded zero growth in the quarter. The largest numerical group are those countries in recession, which includes Britain, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Portugal and Greece. The net result was that both the Euro Area group of 17 countries and the EU group of 26 recorded zero growth in the quarter.

If the focus shifts to the 12-month growth rates, comparing the first quarter of 2012 to the same quarter in 2011, the picture is even more stark. Outside of the Baltic States, which are still recovering from a 1930s-style Depression with the aid of substantial EU investment , only two countries recorded growth above 1.0%. These were Finland at 2.9% and Germany at 1.2%. The fact that the German motor of the EU economy is sputtering close to 1% growth is cause for alarm. It suggests that the entire EU economy is decelerating, and that the risk of renewed recession is increasing.

In fact this is the EU Commission’s forecast for 2012; a contraction of 0.3% for the Euro Area and zero growth in the EU as a whole. For the Euro Area 12-month growth is also now zero, and for the EU as a whole it is just 0.1%.

Even for the group of countries where growth has been strongest, growth is clearly slowing. The deceleration of the German economy is important for the entire European economy. These trends are shown in Figure 1.

But there are a growing number of countries that have headed back into recession, including Britain, Spain and the Netherlands – Figure 2. France has grown by just 0.1% in the last 6 months and maybe headed in the same direction. There is little to suggest that growth can accelerate with current policies.

The Euro Area has contracted by 0.3% in the last 6 months as has the EU as a whole. The crisis countries continue to contract sharply, led by Greece – Figure 3. However, the much greater weight of the Italian economy, seven times larger than the Greek economy, means that its clear slump is even more significant for the European crisis.

Formerly stronger economies are experiencing a slowdown in growth. Crucially this includes Germany. Other countries, such as Britain where growth had been stagnant have gone back into recession. This is also true for Spain and the Netherlands. France may be headed in the same direction. Significant falls in output are still occurring in the crisis-hit countries. These may now appear to be joined by Italy, where the crisis is deepening.

First published by the Socialist Economic Bulletin on 16th May 2012 and re-published with permission of the author. 

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What do bond markets think of ‘austerity’?

By Michael Burke

The victory of Francois Hollande in the French Presidential contest provides a further insight into the operation of the bond markets. It is frequently argued that there can be no retreat from ‘austerity’, which in reality is simply the transfer of incomes from labour and the poor to capital and the rich, because the bond markets will recoil and long-term interest rates will soar. This is important as significantly higher long-term interest rates could, unchecked, choke off recovery.

As the new French President has made some gestures in the direction away from ‘austerity’, then it should be expected that at least French long-term interest rates would rise as a result. But French government bond yields have fallen since the Socialist victory, by 18bps (basis points, equivalent to one hundredth of a percentage point, or 0.18 per cent). Ten-year French government bond yields declined to 2.79 per cent, lower than before the election.

It could be argued that financial markets do not believe Hollande will carry through a genuine alternative to cuts in wages and public spending programmes. He was certainly cautious enough in his pronouncements to support that idea. Even so, he is not Sarkozy who directly promised further cuts and some uncertainly remains among financial market commentators about whether, or how quickly, the new President will change course. At the very least his commitment to verbal support for austerity is less than his predecessor. Clearly, the assertion that the bond markets will punish any slight step away from ‘austerity’ is incorrect.

In fact, the German powerhouse has increased economic divergence within the EU because it has not adopted itself the prescription it has insisted on for others. The latest departure from orthodoxy is the call for higher German wages from Finance Minister Schauble.

Yet German yields also fell to 1.55 per cent and remain the lowest in the Euro Area.

Role of bond markets
It is important to distinguish between the views expressed nightly on our TV screens by ‘experts’ from the financial markets and the actions of the main bond investors, pension, insurance, sovereign wealth funds and others. The most famous ‘expert’ in the world is Bill Gross, Chief Investment Officer for one of the world’s largest bond funds PIMCO. Previously, he very publicly announced he was selling all US government debt holdings because of quantitative easing in the US and Obama’s fiscal stimulus. He was later forced to apologise to investors and buy back US government bonds he had sold, having missed a huge rally in bond prices (which leads to lower yields).

It is necessary to explain briefly the role of bond investors. The creation of a national debt is one of the primary ways in which financial capital establishes its dominance over the rest of the economy. Debt interest is supplied by diverting income from the productive sectors of the economy. Since all value is created by labour, labour is also the ultimate source of all debt interest. This entails a transfer of income from labour to capital. In fact, given the regressive tax changes that have taken place in many industrialised countries including Britain, labour and the poor are also the direct source of that transfer of incomes, as they supply the bulk of all tax revenues (income tax, VAT, etc.).

For any sector of capital the main motivation, its raison d’être is the maximisation of capital. Ordinarily this means the expansion of capital at the maximum sustainable rate. But in a crisis where losses are anticipated, maximisation can mean simply preservation. Industrial capital is currently being hoarded via the investment strike. It is being preserved. For finance capital, specifically the portion that is allocated to government bonds, the main important indicators are usually, growth, inflation, government deficit levels and so on. All of these are gauged in order to optimise the sustainable expansion of capital through interest payments.

But in a crisis the focus will switch to the preservation of capital. This is why Germany, with its large external surpluses and falling budget deficits remains the strongest borrower in the EU even while increasing investment and wages. Investors believe they are certain to get their money back. In an extreme crisis, these investors may even been willing to accept the prospect of small losses in order to preserve the bulk of their capital, and interest rates have occasionally been negative in countries like Switzerland and Japan .

The very modest changes in French government bond yields are evidence of this dominant factor. The possibility of even a very modest adjustment in the drive towards ‘austerity’ has increased the likelihood that French bond investors will be repaid, that there will be no default on French government debt. The productive sectors of the economy, which finance the debt interest, may be in a slightly stronger position to do so if they are faced with slightly fewer cuts.

Varied Responses
Not all EU government bond markets rose in the wake of the French Presidential poll. Those countries where bond prices fell, so pushing up interest rates, include Greece (with its own inconclusive election), but also Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain. They have all adopted a programme of public spending and other cuts, with different degrees of severity.

Their policies are the opposite of the verbal gestures Hollande has made in the direction of stimulating growth. The most extreme case is Greece where ten-year yields are over 23 per cent. But in a country like Ireland, which is routinely held up as the example of successful ‘austerity’, yields on some debt have risen by 50bps in the last week alone.

In the current crisis, bond market investors are obliged to consider whether they will preserve their capital, not just how they may be able to increase it. They have already experienced final losses of a partial default in Greece. In many of the crisis-hit countries current bond prices are considerably below where they were issued.

They have been faced with a new choice of at least a verbal commitment to growth from France, and persistent ‘austerity’ in many other countries. The response has been to buy French government bonds and sell those where the governments, via the ‘Troika’ in some cases, are committed to further cuts. This is because the judgement is that the investors’ capital is more likely to be preserved via growth than through austerity.

The repeated assertion that pro-growth policies cannot be adopted because of the negative reaction of the bond markets is a false one.

First published by the Socialist Economic Bulletin on 16th May 2012 and re-published with permission of the author. 

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Venezuela gets new Labour Law in act of ‘Social Justice For Workers’

Chavez holds up a copy of the new Labour Law

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez has signed into law the country’s new employment legislation following a consultation process with the Venezuelan people which lasted almost five months. The country’s new labour laws will see the working week reduced to 40 hours and maternity leave increased to 6.5 months.

The law also seeks to eliminate private sub-contracted employment which the government has previously described as an ‘exploitative practice’ produced by the neo-liberal politics of the 1990s.

Chavez signed the law on national television stating that he was carrying out an act of social justice for Venezuelan workers at a time when labour rights were being rolled back across Europe and the United States.

“We have a law which will go down in history. That history tells us that the triumph of the people, of the workers, has never come about without a long process of resistance, of struggle, suffering even. This law, which I will have the honour of signing is the product of a long process of struggle,” he said.

Responding to calls from workers to revolutionise Venezuela’s existing labour law, last November Chavez promised to pass new legislation via decree before this year’s International Workers’ Day on May 1st.

Since then, organised workers collectives, trade unions and political parties such as the Venezuelan Communist Party (PCV), as well as networks such as the ‘Feminist Spider’ have been carrying out workshops across the country aimed at collecting workers’ proposals for the law.

According to the government estimations, the new law has been written taking into account more than 19,000 proposals submitted from diverse sectors of Venezuela’s working population. The government has described the new legislation as a “first law in the transition towards socialism”.

Workers’ collectives have cited the re-establishment of a retirement bonus, determined by the workers’ monthly wage at the time of retirement multiplied by years in service, as one of the greatest gains represented by the new law. The bonus was eliminated in 1997 when Venezuela’s labour law was redrafted by the Caldera government in conjunction with big business and under pressure from the International Monetary Fund.

As well as re-establishing the retirement bonus and backdated pay for all workers retired since 1997, the new law will also re-instate double compensation pay in the event of unfair dismissal.

This requirement was also eliminated during the 1997 reform and obliges the employer to pay wrongly dismissed employees compensation amounting to double their retirement bonus.

The new legislation has also been described by gender groups as a big step forward for women’s rights in the workplace, with post-natal maternity leave being raised from 12 to 25 weeks and increased job security for new parents, who will now be protected from dismissal for two years following the birth of a child.

Chavez went on to announce that a national retirement fund will be set up by the government in order to process payments to workers, with Venezuelan Chancellor Nicolas Maduro confirming that workers will be free to choose whether the monthly sums set aside for their retirement bonus go into the new government controlled fund or into a public or private bank.

Chavez also confirmed that a government body will be set up with a view to ensuring that employers comply with the new legislation.

Workers and political organisations have celebrated the signing of the legislation as a positive step towards creating a socialist society and dignifying the lives of Venezuelan workers.

However, many organisations have also been quick to point out that the labour struggle is now more relevant than ever, arguing that issues such as the rights of informal sector workers and the role of socialist workers’ councils have not been adequately addressed within the current legislation.

The Feminist Spider Network’s website applauded the new law for opening up new spaces for labour organisation and recognising the central role of workers in creating community wellbeing.

According to the international polling agency Consulting Services, over 80% of Venezuelans also view the law positively, with only 13% taking a negative view.

Businesses will now have 12 months to adapt to the new legislation and implement any changes.

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Friction Dynamics : The Forgotten Dispute

On Monday, 2nd July the Institute of Employment Rights will be holding a special half-day seminar 
at Unite’s Central Office in London – between 1.30pm and 4.15pm on the Friction Dynamics Dispute.

Described as “the forgotten dispute” in 2002 an employment tribunal in Liverpool announced that 86 workers dismissed by their former employer, US owned Friction Dynamics Ltd, a car parts manufacturer in North Wales, had won their claims for unfair dismissal. The workers had been sacked for taking strike action in defence of their terms and conditions of employment and the recognition of their union, TGWU (now part of Unite).

But the tribunal victory was next to worthless.

Their jobs were lost. No reinstatement orders were issued because the employer went into administration. Despite the company starting up again some months later as Dynamex Friction, the insolvency of the original employer meant that the workers only recovered their basic awards – money that came from the taxpayer not from the employer.

Nevertheless, the workers remained on strike and on picket duty for two and a half years – making the strike the UK’s longest running workplace dispute.

In this, the 10th anniversary year of the tribunal decision, the IER will  discuss the implications of the dispute; the lessons to be learned for today and how and in what ways the law has changed, if at all, over the past 10 years.

Friction Dynamics exposed the weaknesses in the UK’s framework of labour law including the doctrine of ‘protected industrial action’, the inadequacy of unfair dismissal remedies, the restrictions on solidarity action and the enormous loopholes in the protections offered by the TUPE Regulations.

Some of the key individuals involved in the dispute, including the lawyers who represented the workers at tribunal, will come together to examine the dispute and discuss how the law might be changed to better protect workers in the future.

Watch a video report on the strike here.

Booking details can be found here.

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The Draft Monti II Regulations – An Inadequate Response to Viking and Laval

Professor Keith Ewing

This response to the draft Monti 2 Regulations was sent to PIAU by Keith Ewing, Professor of Public Law, King’s College, London.

Click here to download the response to Monti II

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Attack on Australian Labour Party and union links.

By Keith Ewing, Professor of Public Law, King’s College. London

Imagine a State where the governing party decided to re-write the law to liquidate the main opposition party. Or passed a law to render unlawful the existing structure of the main opposition party. Or changed the law to restrict the right of opponents to campaign against it at election time.

Some at least might be induced to shake their head in disbelief.  The less laconic might express outrage that this is not the practise of democratic government, one of the first duties of which is to ensure that political power is not abused. The more thoughtful might even be heard to say that political power should not be used to undermine opposition parties, or distort the rules of electoral fairness.

Welcome to New South Wales, Australia.  For all practical purposes the Australian Labour Party has been declared unlawful as originally created. Formed by trade unions to give working people a political voice, the State has now decided that the ALP can no longer exist in its present form, a form that is an untidy mixture of individual and collective membership.

Under the Constitution of the Party, there are two kinds of membership: individual and affiliated.  Both individual and collective members pay a membership fee, and both have legal rights and duties that arise from membership. Affiliation is not simply a declaration of support or an oath of fealty. It is a form of membership practised by trade union based labour parties all over the world.

Amendments to the New South Wales Election Act introduced this year will effectively ban affiliated or collective membership. As the Explanatory Notes to the Act make crystal clear, ‘it will be unlawful’ for a trade union ‘to pay annual or other subscriptions to a party for affiliation with the party’. Without the membership fee, affiliation will be a hollow shell.

This attack on the ALP represents a major violation of constitutional principle, as recognised elsewhere in English speaking jurisdictions, where trade union based parties flourish.  It is of the essence of the principle of freedom of association that political parties come in all shapes and sizes, and in different organisational forms. Party structure is a matter for citizens, not the State.

If trade unions need to form a political party, why should they be denied the right to do so?  If citizens are prepared to engage with political parties through intermediary organisations such as trade unions, why should this not be celebrated and encouraged?  And if voters are willing to accept the expanded electoral choice offered by this form of party organisation, why should it be taken away from them?

But it gets worse.  If trade unions remain ‘affiliated’ to the party they created but can no longer support financially, they are for all practical purposes neutered electorally.  This is because under the extraordinary Election Act 2012, any election expenditure incurred by an affiliated union will count as part of the expenditure of the ALP, which is subject to a legal limit.

‘Affiliated’ unions can thus effectively only spend with the consent of the ALP, in which case their expenditure will count as the expenditure of the Party.  By impaling trade unions on the horns of a horrible political dilemma, the Act creates a powerful inducement for unions to cut all organisational links with Labor.  Only by cutting these links will trade unions regain electoral freedom, albeit to a limited extent only.

Trade unions are thus cynically being written out of the political script. In my experience, this is without precedent in the democratic world, and wholly unacceptable in a free society..  As a consequence – and perhaps as intended – the governing party is undermining the very democracy that returned it to office, and which it has a duty to protect and nurture.

The aim it seems is to ensure that there will be no repeat of the hugely successful fair work campaign of 2007. Contrast the position with employers. True, big business cannot donate to political parties. But unlike trade unions, every company is free to spend just over $1 milllion each at election time, promoting causes that will be helpful to the Liberal Party.

In 1992 the High Court decided that the ban on political advertising in federal elections introduced by the Keating government was unconstitutional.  If it is unconstitutional to ban television advertising, it must surely also be unconstitutional effectively to impose unconscionable demands on trade unions if they wish to use this or any other form of electoral communication.

Update: This link to the Australian Workers Union on the Fair Work Act was sent to PIAU by Barry Camfield.

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BREAKING NEWS: Mexican courts recognise Napoleón Gómez as head of Los Mineros

Great news from Mexico where trade unions are under constant attack – the Mexican Supreme Court has voted to restore legal recognition to Napoleon Gomez, General Secretary of the National Union of Mine, Metal and Steelworkers (known as Los Mineros).

The Court’s Second Chamber ruled that the Mexican Labour Secretary had acted illegally when he withdrew legal recognition from the union leader in 2008.

“This is a major victory for Los Mineros and all Mexican workers,” said USW International President Leo W. Gerard.

Last week, another Mexican court threw out the last criminal charge against Gomez, who has lived in exile in Canada with USW support since 2006.

“Today’s decision should sound the death knell for the Mexican government’s vicious and illegal persecution of Napoleon Gomez and Los Mineros,” Gerard said.

Fernando Lopes, Assistant General Secretary and Jorge Almeida, Regional Secretary of the International Metalworkers Federation werr present when the court announced its ruling, as were Lorraine Clewer of the AFL-CIO, Ben Davis of the USW and doctors Carlos del Buen and Oscar Alzaga.

Los Mineros appointed Napoleón Gómez as general secretary in May 2008, but the Ministry of Labour refused to recognise the validity of his election, alleging violations of union rules. Gómez went into exile in Canada and the National Prosecutor’s Office requested the federal courts to issue a warrant for his arrest on suspicion of the criminal use of illegally obtained funds of $55 million. The final arrest warrant outstanding for the miners’ leader was cancelled at the end of April this year.

A great result and a defeat for the right wing Mexican government and employers who have persecuted Napoleon since his election.

 

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German Warning Strikes Begin in Metals, Electronics Sectors

Warning strikes in the German metal working, engineering and electronic sectors will broaden this week with the break-down last week of third round of bargaining between IG Metall and employers’ associations in several states.  Upon expiration of a labour peace accord on 28th April, 2,500 German metal workers began the warning strikes at select locations.

Talks for 3.6 million German metal workers represented by IG Metall began in several states in late winter. Bargaining was stalemated in the last state talks, on 26th April, after employers put forth a less than satisfactory salary offer. They also refused to agree to union demands assuring full work guarantees for apprentices once their training tenures are over and more job rights for contract and agency workers.

The offer put forward by employers’ association Gesamtmetall through its state chapters on 24 April was termed “a provocation” by IG Metall, thus causing mobilisation over the weekend when the peace accord expired. The proposal saw employers offering a 3% increase over 14 months, of through June 2013. The union is seeking a 6.5% pay rise over 12 months.

 The union’s claim is based on improved productivity, as well as projected inflation in 2012 and 2013.

German industrial workers are the driving force in a nation that is Europe’s biggest industrial power and strongest economy, with high pay and workers’ savings driving the economy.

Last weekend’s warning strikes began on 28th April in the eastern city of Zwickau in Saxony. Other demonstrations over the weekend occurred in Bavaria, Berlin, NorthRhine-Westphalia, and Nordenham in northern Germany, where workers from several plants held protests on Sunday morning.

In Ingolstadt in Bavaria, some 80 apprentices gathered the night before and flashed a light-projector against the wall of a factory expressing their demand for job guarantees.

Workers from a TDK factory in Munich held a torchlight parade that same night, and autoworkers from a Daimler Mercedes-Benz plant in Rasiah, Baden-Württemberg state, protested on Sunday. The actions continued on 30th April with loud protests in cities and streets near a Daimler Mercedes-Benz factory in Wöerth-am-Main in Rheinland-Pfalz, at a MAN diesel plant in Augsburg, in Baden-Württemberg in Bavaria, where lead talks will resume on 8th May.

On May Day in Hamburg, IG Metall President Berthold Huber pledged that the union will not be deterred from its agenda, and will bring the dispute into June if employers do not adhere to union demands. If upcoming talks do not produced the desired results, IG Metall is planning continuous strike actions commencing on 16 May.

Besides a number of further warning actions today, mass demonstrations on 3rd May, are set at an Audi factory on Neckarsulm and a Porsche plant in Stuttgart. Some 900,000 of the 3.6 million workers affected are employed by Germany’s primary auto-makers.

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Much to learn from Germany on industry and skills

Last week I was one of a number of trade union officials and shop stewards who took part in a visit to Germany to look at training and skills. We went with Skills Minister John Hayes MP and representatives of BIS and the UK Commission For Employment and Skills. The delegation visited the Siemens plant in Lincoln, UK and Siemens’ giant training facility and manufacturing site in Berlin.

We were also able to meet officials from a number of German training organisations – and of course trade union representatives from IG Metall, Germany’s biggest union and the TUC equivalent – the DGB. The latter meetings gave us an opportunity to discuss and assess the state of German unions and the overall economic situation in the EU’s powerhouse economy.

First off, the German trade union movement is in good heart. IG Metall the main manufacturing union has launched a campaign for a 6.5% pay increase, for 12 months; permanent positions and protection for agency workers and proposals to create jobs for young people.

Union reps we met, including shop floor comrades, pointed out that the German economy grew by 0.4% in the second quarter of 2012. The German government has also published a positive official growth forecast for 2012.  Unemployment has fallen to a record low of 6.7% and union membership is growing again.

They were also buoyed up by the recent success of the services and skills union Ver.di who won German public sector workers a pay deal of 6.3% albeit over a 24-month period – a deal German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble, called  ‘a reasonable outcome’ although it went ‘to the outer limits of what the federal government and communities can afford’.

Overall, wages for nine million German workers are up for negotiation this year. Union members argue rightly that following the years of pay restraint their time has come – and pay increases can be afforded. They also point out that German bosses have been winning big pay deals. Last year the CEOs of Germany’s Top 30 companies saw their pay rise 9% to the highest level for five year.

One thing was also clear to us. Germany is doing better because it was less vulnerable when the financial tsunami hit Europe as it was able to fall back on its rigorous tax system to balance the books without taking an axe social security.

Germany has also boosted exports which injected capital into the economy. The country is ranked eighth in the latest Global Manufacturing Competitiveness Index. The UK limps in at 17th position. That’s because Germany also focuses on medium sized manufacturing firms (known as Mittelstand), providing help to them, and by protecting their interests. Training based on the dual system of education and ongoing training prepares young workers to work – as they say – “in the real world” and develops transferable skills, making workers more adaptable. The system is well supported by German unions.

Of course Germans are taxed more but they have high spending power, and they kept them spending through the economic crisis. The German government have just released figures indicating that purchasing power will rise by 3% this year.

One other key factor is that German workers are informed and consulted about company plans and performance through the structure of works councils. German unions are listened to and as the crisis engulfed the world, the German unions were publicly consulted as by Chancellor Angela Merkel. As one DGB officials said: “A smart move – the discussions were very public – it’s showed that unions are respected”.

All this was in contrast to the UK experience (which our German hosts wanted to discuss at length!) of a one trick pony coalition with one mantra – austerity, austerity and more austerity – and bash the workers into the bargain.

We have much to learn!

This blog first appeared on the TUC’s Stronger Unions blog site on May 1st and was retweeted by Unite.

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The DGB’s Four Point Plan For Europe

The German equivalent of the British TUC, the DGB has recently published a four point plan for a change of course in Europe as an alternative to the Eurozone crisis.

It is certainly worth reading. Download a copy here.

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